BRIAN EGAN AND JOCELYN HUTTON
body, insofar as they serve the regime’s presiding
interests and not the letter of the law.
LEGAL BACKGROUND
Iranian law follows, to certain extent, Shari’ā
law, which can seemingly limit the potential for
debating capital punishment in Iran. Michael
Mumisa notes that “governments frequently use
Shari’ā to justify why they retain and apply capital
punishment, and this can seem to close discussion
on the subject.”16 However, Mahmoud Cherif
Bassiouni argues that “the existence of the death
penalty for several crimes in Muslim states is a
policy choice, but not one which is necessarily
mandated by the Shari’ā.”17 Therefore some would
argue that Iran’s decision to apply the death penalty
with such fervour is fundamentally political, and not
ideological or religious.
The 2013 Islamic Penal Code contains three
categories of offences pertaining to the death
penalty: hudud, qisas and ta’zir offences. Hudud, or
‘fixed’ offences, are those which are specifically
accounted for in Shari’ā with fixed and mandatory
sentences that cannot be deviated from by a
judge.18 Mumisa notes “since by their very
hudud laws are believed to be
‘mandatory’ and ‘fixed’ by God Himself, there is very
little, if any, room for the right to appeal to a higher
court as enshrined in Article 14 (5) of the ICCPR.”19
In relation to foreign nationals, the hudud offences
of Moharabeh (enmity against god),20 Efsad-e-feldefinition
arz (corruption on earth)21 and Baghi (armed
rebellion) are used extensively.22 Iranian case law
has seen these levied at drug traffickers, political
opponents, foreign nationals accused of spying,
members of opposition groups and minority
activists in civil society.23 These offences are
frequently leveraged to quash political dissidence.
Qisas offences are akin to doctrines such as lex
talionis, ‘retribution in kind’ or ‘an eye for an eye.’24
The death penalty arises where the offender’s
conduct leads to the death of another, with the
survivors of the victim having the right to claim
retribution in kind, that is, the death of the
offender. However, they could also choose to
pardon the killer or accept compensatory ‘blood
money’ (diya). Foreign nationals often lack the
means and the social networks required to arrange
and pay the qisas, further disadvantaging them.
Ta’zir offences, or ‘discretionary punishments,’
are those crimes that have not been specifically
provided for under Shari’ā law, but those which the
judiciary consider to be against the State’s interests
or against tenets of Shari’ā law generally.25 They
can be decided by judicial discretion or by
standalone legislation, such as military, economic or
drug trafficking crimes. With reference to judicial
discretion, Hoyle has found that “decision-making
within discretionary systems is likely to be
influenced by prejudice against people on the
grounds of their race, religion or citizenship, with
‘non-citizens’ particularly disadvantaged.”26 This is
evident in Iran, with various groups of ‘others’
disproportionately represented on death row.
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